
Gaining 161 council seats and
winning the European Parliament elections outright is nothing to be sniffed at
and all three established parties in Westminister will need to urgently address
the issues raised by this result.
However, doubts remain about
whether or not this was the political earthquake promised by Nigel Farage.
Firstly however, it has to be
said the turnout was the thing most would have found disappointing about this
election.
Despite all the media attention
aimed at the election, thanks largely to UKIP, just 34.19% of people made it to
the polls, fewer than in 2009, although only by 0.6%, perhaps proving how
little people care about getting out of Europe.
The low turnout is actually an
interesting statistic with which to look at UKIPs overall performance.
On polls which only questioned
those certain to vote, UKIP was commonly topping the poll on 32-35%, with
Labour in second with a vote share in the high 20s.
However, assuming UKIP voters are
diehard (and the facts do suggest this) this means the party’s vote share could
be as much as 7.5% down on what would have been expected.
In the end UKIPs increase in vote
share, of 10.99%, went up only a little more than Labours 9.67%.
You could argue this is down to
voter apathy, a disinterest in European elections or disillusionment with
politics in general, but it is a key indicator that UKIP did not do as well as
maybe they would have hoped, or needed.
With a guaranteed higher turnout
for the General Election, it could be argued the many people who would not
consider voting UKIP, due to misplaced or accurate views of the party, will
play a much larger role which could scupper UKIPs Westminster chances.
It is also worth noting that, despite an undoubtedly good campaign, UKIP only picked up 15.5% of the national vote in council elections, nearly half of its European Election vote share.
Another problem raised is how
badly UKIP played in metropolitan areas and in particular London.
Across the country UKIP got 27.5%
of the vote, but in London it was just 16.9%, about 40% lower.
UKIPs increase in vote share
nationwide falls by a similar amount in the capital to barely over 6%.
While some would claim London is
in its own bubble (they might have a point), UKIPs inability to make a
breakthrough in the city should certainly be a cause for concern for Nigel
Farage et al as it is hard to see them continuing their current momentum
without carrying the big metropolitan areas.
There are key differences between
the capital and the rest of the country, but as a Londoner myself I am proud my
city bucked the nationwide trend.
It is not so much that London is
in its own bubble, it is just the cosmopolitan atmosphere means the city is, in
terms of social attitudes, ahead of the UK, a fact repeated in all major cities
and towns.
Perhaps UKIP spokeswomen Suzanne
Evans had a point when she said the party had difficulty appealing to the
‘educated, cultured and young’.
It is also interesting to note
UKIP tended to do well in areas with high numbers of white British voters.
In Essex, one of the party’s
breakthrough areas, the wards where they did well were made up of 80% from this
demographic.
Conversely in London, with a high
immigrant population and a place where the supposed effect of the EUs policy in
this area should be acute, did not increase UKIPs number of MEPs and saw Labour
make some big gains on councils.
Scotland similarly rejected UKIP,
who got just 10.4%of the vote, although this was enough to elect UKIPs first
European representative north of the boarder, but was a major drop on its
overall vote haul.
This could be attributed to an
independent Scotland’s desire to join the EU, but the lowlands and cities have
seen a booming immigrant population and should perhaps be very representative
of UKIPs vision of the EU at work.
Another problem facing UKIP is
only just over half of those who voted for them in May 2014 will currently do
the same in May 2015, with the majority heading back to the Conservatives, but
seeing Labour and the Lib Dems regaining a much higher percentage of their
deserters.
At a nationwide level it is
pretty clear (and hardly surprising) they hurt the Tories more than the other
parties.
UKIPs problem here is expanding
their policy base.
It is easy for them to be
different on Europe, but they will find it harder to differentiate themselves
on taxation, health, education and all the other important national issues,
particularly from the Conservatives.
Any talk of privatisation of the
health service or flat rate taxation will lose them most of its Labour and Lib
Dem defectors, while its Conservative supporters would have to vote blue to get
the EU referendum, which UKIP certainly cannot offer.
You can also guarantee the other
parties will be adjusting their ground game to combat this new threat and this
tactic will certainly include exposing low attendance and dubious voting
records of UKIP MEPs.
Sustained UKIP momentum is also
required on a local level, with it taking many elections to take control of
councils and this year’s good result plausibly based on it coinciding with the
European Elections.
The fact is we will get a better
understanding of UKIPs long terms success in just over a week’s time with the
Newark by-election.
Given how this election came
about and UKIPs surge they would expect to do well, although winning might be
beyond their grip.
However, if they do not win they
need a strong showing or a big surge in its vote share to prove they are now
not just a European party, but a national one as well.